Many sources claim that Sykes-Picot came into conflict with the Hussein-McMahon correspondence of 1915-1916 and that the publication of the agreement in November 1917 led to the resignation of Sir Henry McMahon.  There were several differences, iraq being the most obvious in the British red territory, and less obvious, the idea that British and French advisers would have control of the area designated as an Arab state. Finally, while the correspondence did not mention Palestine, Haifa and Acre should be British and the brown territory (a reduced Palestine) should become internationalized.  The protocol adopted at a meeting of the Big Four on 20 March 1919 in Paris, attended by Woodrow Wilson, Georges Clemenceau, Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour, set out the British and French positions on the agreement. This was the first topic discussed in the discussion on Syria and Turkey and was then at the centre of all the discussions. The following eleven points included the formal agreements between Great Britain, France and Russia. It was agreed that at no time will the French government enter into negotiations on the transfer of its rights and will not cede these rights to a third power in the blue domain, with the exception of the Arab State or the Confederation of Arab States, without the prior approval of Her Majesty`s Government, which itself will give the French government a similar commitment with regard to the red zone. On 18 September Faisal met in London and the next day and 23 had long meetings with Lloyd George, who explained the memory aid and the British position. Lloyd George stated that he was “in the position of a man who had inherited two groups of commitments, those of King Hussein and those of the French,” Faisal noted that the agreement “seemed to be based on the 1916 agreement between the British and the French.” Clemenceau responded about Memory Aid, refusing to travel to Syria and saying that the case should be left to the French to directly manage Fayçal. Many people believe that the 1916 Sykes-Picot agreement, which divided the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire between Britain and France, advanced the Zionist project in Palestine. The memorandum was forwarded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and circulated for notice. On 16 January, Sykes informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that he had spoken to Picot and that he thought Paris could agree. On 21 January, Nicolson convened an inter-departmental conference.
After the meeting, a final draft agreement was circulated to cabinet on 2 February, the War Committee considered the 3rd and finally at a meeting held on 4 February. Between Bonar Law, Chamberlain, Lord Kitchener and others, it was decided that: in the years that followed, the Sykes-Picot agreement was the target of bitter criticism, both from Arabs who dreamed of a united homeland and from Kurds who had their hopes for autonomy. The agreement effectively divided the Ottoman provinces outside the Arabian Peninsula into territories of control and influence of the United Kingdom and France. The countries controlled by Great Britain and France were divided by the Sykes-Picot line.  The agreement that gave Britain control of present-day southern Israel and Palestine, Jordan and southern Iraq, as well as another small area including the ports of Haifa and Acre, to allow access to the Mediterranean.    France should control southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.  United States